Models of Policing

Models of Policing The first police force was created in 1829 by Sir Robert Peel; he created 17 metropolitan police divisions in London. By 1856 the rest of the country was required to establish a police force. Since then, many different models of policing have been developed and experimented with, developments in policing and crime control were fairly rapid during the 1990s, this is due to many reasons such as; changing patterns of crime, changing demands on the police, and changing expectations of the police and their role in communities. The two models of policing that will be outlined and discussed in this essay are the Problem-Oriented policing model and the Intelligence-Led policing model. They each differ from one another substantially and across a range of dimensions, they differ in means and ends, methods and priorities, techniques and successes. However, they do also share some common features in their methods despite differing in the reasons for doing so. The Intelligence-Led policing model is home grown from the United Kingdom, it draws upon the notion that the police can and do know a great deal about offending patterns. It addresses the supposed failure of the police to address the systemic sources of crime and patterns within crime. The main thought is that the police and should actively pursue information about criminals and their organisation (Tilley 2003). The Audit Commission (1993) prescribed a proactive approach, targeting the criminal not the crime and making more use of intelligence. Carrying out this proactive approach involves effectively sourcing, assembling and analysing intelligence about criminals and their activities to disrupt their offending. Done so by targeting enforcement and patrol where the activity is the most common (Tilley 2003). The core emphases of the Intelligence-Led policing model are; the focus on crime alone, the means used are enforcement and the disruption of criminal groups; these measures are ai med at reducing the problem by undermining the ability of criminals to do their business. These activities are informed by the intelligence gained from the analysts about understanding the business of the criminals; all organisations involved are enforcement agencies in order to successfully aid the focus of this method. It is enforcing the practical business of policing more smartly, using information technology and modern methods (Tilley 2003). The Problem-Oriented policing model however, is more of a global movement with American origins. It embraces an analytic approach which takes community concerns seriously whilst developing strategic responses that aim to deal effectively with issues underlying police-relevant community problems, the origins of this method lie within the work of Goldstein (1979). It incorporates an explicit conception of the nature and role of modern policing, with officer imagination, local discretion and community resources being used where it is relevant to do so (Tilley 2003). The Problem-Oriented policing model also stresses substance and effectiveness over process and style, it is pre-dominantly evidence based. Goldstein outlines several purposes of this method of policing, they are; to prevent and control conduct which threatens life and property, to aid victims and protect those in danger of physical harm, to protect constitutional guarantees, to facilitate the movement of people and vehicles, to assist those who cannot care for themselves, to resolve conflict between individuals, groups or citizens and their government, to identify problems which may escalate for individuals, the police or even the government and to create and maintain a feeling of security in the community (Goldstein 1977, described in Scott 2000). The aim is to achieve these said purposes by systematically addressing relevant problems in the community; the identified problems should then be thoroughly researched and understood. Relevant responses should be identified and targeted on the basis of this analysis (Tilley 2003). Already it is clear that there are differences in the focus points of both models; however a common factor between these models is the use of analysis, intelligence and computers. Both the Intelligence-Led policing model and the Problem-Oriented policing model use these new methods due to the issue that criminality is becoming more sophisticated and mobile, the identification of patterns is beyond the capability of localised, informal methods of identification (NCIS 2000). Therefore, up to date intelligence allows for speedy well targeted interventions in an ever-changing society of criminals and varying criminal organisation (Tilley 2003). Computers are used as they enable better management of the flow of information that the police receive about criminals, their behaviour and organisation (Tilley 2003). Through this, smarter action can be taken to control them through deterrence, disruption, arrest or incarceration, as the information is organised and easy to access; it is easier a nd quicker to create an operation to take down criminals. The improved quality of the analysis is due to the improved quality of the intelligence systems. Both of the models of policing heavily rely on analysing data. Analysis converts raw information into actionable intelligence by seeking patterns in crime data, seeing the similarities in criminal events and constructing profiles (Cope 2004). It offers a synthesis of data about crime that is developed out of context (Peterson 1990) and also provides the opportunity to rationalise policing (Manning 2001). The two models of policing require specialist analysts, these analysts make much more systematic use of information and often call for information collection as well as use of information already at hand (Tilley 2003). Although both policing methods use analysis, the information which they seek is different. The analysis method has sound foundations within the principles of Problem-Oriented policing (Goldstein 1979). The focus on information collection is on problematic patterns of behaviour that produce police-relevant problems for the community and on plausible points of intervention to reduce them, remove them or prevent the harm cause by them (Clarke and Eck 2003). The analysis tends to focus on enduring problems that are not responsive to standard forms of policing, therefore its focus spans relatively long periods and relatively wide spaces so that there is much more data readily available from records (Tilley 2003). It calls for the close specification of problems and the problem along with its analysis comes first. Analysis is also integral to the theory of the Intelligence-Led policing model. It is on a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"need to knowà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ security principle (NCIS 2000). The process of this model exemplifies concerns with identifying, prioritizing and intervening to minimise risk. Intelligence can be understood as information developed to direct police action (Cope 2004). The Intelligence-Led policing model is fed by intelligence products, of which there are four types; firstly strategic assessments, these provide a longer term picture of trends possibly with forecasts for the future, secondly tactical assessments, these are short term and are aligned to the tactical menu, thirdly target profiles, these profiles describe the offenders and their associates to inform operations against them and lastly problem profiles, these profiles identify emerging series of offenders or hotspots for crime (Cope 2004) all the information which is put forward in these products is actively sought. The focus of information collection and analysis in the Intelligence-Led policing model is on offenders and their networking patterns, and to inform smart enforcement focused on serious and prolific offending patterns. It tends to naturally focus on current or very recent offending patterns. The intelligence used is often gained from informants and is done so covertly, whereas the Problem-Oriented policing model rarely needs or uses covertly collected information and information from informants. The Intelligence-Led policing model leaves little if any space for analysis of none-crime problems, the major information task is thus finding and drawing together ways of tracking offender and offending patterns as they emerge, and disrupting them through targeted enforcement (Tilley 2003). Crime analysis is crucial for this method of policing to work effectively because it endeavours to deliver the right information to the right people at the right time (Fletcher 2000). The Intelligence-Led policing model and the Problem-Oriented policing model both note the association between repeat victimisation and prolific offending. For the Problem-Oriented policing model repeat victimisation comprises a major pattern of problem events requiring systematic attention (Pease 1998). Repeat offenders appear to be largely responsible for repeat offences (Everson and Pease 2001). Therefore focusing proactive enforcement efforts on those already victimised is an efficient way of targeting prolific offenders. This falls in line with the Intelligence-Led policing model which steers attention towards this. However, the Problem-Oriented policing model is also concerned with non-enforcement methods of reducing the vulnerability of those already victimised (Tilley 2003). The way in which the models of policing are enforced differs on a much larger scale. The Problem-Oriented policing model is carried out by crime prevention officers and crime pattern analysts. It implies attention to problems exploiting available pinch-points in the conditions generating problems (Tilley 2002). This may include targeting prolific offenders, criminal organisations, those recruiting new criminals or stolen goods markets, any or all of which are likely to be focused on in the Intelligence-Led policing model. However, the major difference is that the Problem-Oriented policing model is also interested in finding pinch-points that do require enforcement. These will often include reductions in opportunity of the sort stressed in situational crime prevention (Braga 2002). Situational crime prevention reduces the criminals opportunities to commit crime for example making changes in the environment to make the criminal believe that the crime is not worth committing as it is to o risky, this is something which the Problem-Oriented policing model endorses in its methods of policing via the problem analysis triangle, this consists of; the offender or source of complaint, a victim or victims and a location or characteristics of locations (Cohen and Felson 1979). Problems can be removed or ameliorated by altering one or more of the three problem features with the aid of situational crime prevention. Crackdown and consolidation strategies are plausible candidates for many problems addressed in the Problem-Oriented Policing model (Wright 1994). The crackdown side agrees with the Intelligence-Led policing model, for both it involves efforts to target intensive, well publicised enforcement to incapacitate and/or deter offenders creating problems, this can also have beneficial side-effect beyond the operation of the crackdown (Sherman 1990). The Problem-Oriented policing model however will be equally concerned with consolidation, the introduction of measures to produce sustained falls in crime during the lull created by the crackdown (Tilley 2003). In addition to this, the Problem-Oriented policing model embraces concerns that extend beyond law enforcement. It is relevant to all police-relevant problems. Smart enforcement is needed for some but not all issues that are addressed by the police, for example a child going missing from home is more of a problem for policing but not smart enforcement. Various long-term crime problems are more open to non-enforcement preventive interventions than they are smart enforcement. Few enduring crime or non-crime problems are effectively dealt with by enforcement alone (Tilley 2003). This leads to the Problem-Oriented policing model to be seen as more community friendly as it does not ignore their needs; it focuses on all problems in society. On the other hand, the Intelligence-Led policing model is carried out mainly by intelligence officers and Criminal Investigation Departments (CID). It is the outcome of a desire to professionalise the intelligence discipline within the law enforcement (NCIS 2000). Enforcement can be made smarter by assiduously assembling analysing and acting upon information relating to the activities and organisation of major offenders (Tilley 2003). The Intelligence-Led policing model works at three interconnecting levels; level one covers local issues and volume crime, level two covers cross border issues, where crime issues cross jurisdictional borders and where intelligence needs to be shared, and level three covers serious and organised crime operating on a national or international scale (Tilley 2003). Although it does not cover issues which do not require smart enforcement like the Problem-Oriented policing model does, it covers issues which spread overseas and could be considered a more prof essional business type method of policing. Within the Intelligence-Led policing model there is a tasking and co-ordination group which is central to this method. The group has meetings which set the agenda for intelligence gathering, receiving intelligence, making tactical assessments, allocating law enforcement effort and reviewing said efforts, all of which are crucial elements of this model of policing. The meetings are made up of four main elements; the first being targeting offenders, the second is the management of hotspots, the third is the investigation of offences and the fourth is the application of preventative measures such as CCTV (NCIS 2000). The fourth element to this sits well with Problem-Oriented policing as it is essentially a form of situational crime prevention, something which the Problem-Oriented policing model embraces in its method of policing. It is easy to see that the Intelligence-Led policing model is concerned with traditional police priorities; the detection of crime and the apprehension of serious and prolific offenders (Tilley 2003). Crime is deemed better controllable by better targeting of offenders; therefore the public is better served. The assumption stands that law enforcement is the key function of the police; it shapes what they are concerned with and what they can do. The two models being discussed both have considerable success in society, however what each model considers to be success proves the real focus point that the model entails. For the Problem-Oriented policing model, success is achieved with the successful amelioration, removal or management of specific police related community problems. For the Intelligence-Led policing model success comes with good arrests and good sentences, the conviction of major, prolific offenders and their severe punishment keeping them away from those they would otherwise have the opportunity to harm (Tilley 2003). Although the Intelligence-Led policing model comes to play better with traditional grass roots police officers than the other models, it provides no space for the wider conception of police problems and responsibilities which the Problem-Oriented policing model takes on board such as community issues. The Problem-Oriented policing model provides essential space for community models of policing and Intelligent-Led enforcement, which makes it crucially adaptable to changing conditions in society (Tilley 2003).

How Poe Observes the Characteristics Essay

How Poe Observes the Characteristics of the American Gothic Literature Tradition in â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado† Edgar Allan Poe was destined to a life of darkness and insanity. As the son of traveling performers, Poe was abandoned to the horrors of the world at a young age. Poe is generally regarded as the father of American Gothic Literature, an example to such authors as Nathaniel Hawthorne and Herman Melville. The stories that Poe inscribed are prevalent in modern times, creating genres such as horror films and science fiction movies. â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado† is one of Poe’s most memorable short stories, that epitomizes the American Gothic Literature Tradition through the dark narrative. In this short story Montresor, the protagonist, has a vendetta against Fortunato, a man that has wronged him thousands of times. To carry out his revenge, Montresor proceeds to lure Fortunato into the catacombs of his cellar, promising him amontillado, a rare wine. In the end, Fortunato is bound to a wall, while simultaneously being entombed by Montresor. The symbolism, settings, and narrator employed by Poe in â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado† are the stereotypical elements to Southern American Gothic Literature To begin, Edgar Allan Poe utilizes his patriarchal mastery of symbolism to adhere to the characteristics of The American Gothic Literature Tradition in â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado.† Poe uses the symbol of Fortunato’s attire to describe his personality as foolhardy and gullible. He adorns â€Å"a tight fitting party-striped dress and his head was surmounted by the conical cap and bells† (Poe 1). He was dressed as a jester; this symbolic representation portrays Fortunato as a fool. Trent Lorcher touts â€Å"This is Montresor’s way of humiliating Fortunato further for the anger he has caused Montresor. Montresor wants Fortunato to die like the fool that he is â€Å"(Lorcher 1). Additionally, the amontil lado is a symbol within itself for deceit. Amontillado is a rare and delightful wine, a significant temptation to one who is a wine connoisseur such as Fortunato. The amontillado symbolizes Montresor’s deceit of Fortunato; at the mere mention of the amontillado by Montresor, Fortunato exclaims â€Å"To your vaults!† (Poe 1). Lorcher justifies this â€Å"Fortunato’s passion for good wine  leaves him susceptible to flattery, flattery which Montresor provides† (Lorcher 1). Another symbol is the way in which Montresor disposes of Fortunato, which depicts Montresor’s hatred and scorn for Fortunato. Montresor murders Fortunato in the most unusual fashion, he walls him up within a dungeon. In killing Fortunato in this humiliating method, it signifies Montresor’s true detestation for Fortunato and the want to dispatch of him in a humbling methodology. Poe describes this burial in such a manner: â€Å"I forced the last stone into position and plastered it up†¦. for the half of a century no mortal has disturbed [his bones]† (Poe 1). R.J. Russ supports this assumption by stating: â€Å"The way he a ctually killed Fortunato was torturous and cruel. This proves how angry he was at Fortunato†¦ Montresor [did] it because he wanted Fortunato to die in an [embarrassing] fashion that Montresor believed he deserved† (Russ 1). From Fortunato’s wardrobe, to the deceitful wine, to the mode that Fortunato was killed; Poe uses these symbols to observe the characteristics of the American Gothic Literature. As well as using symbolism to adhere to the elements of the American Gothic Literature tradition, Poe also delves into the twisted thoughts of a vengeful narrator. Poe uses the dynamics of a tortuous plan, an irrational storyteller, and honor of aforementioned Montresor to craft â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado† into an American Gothic classic. Montresor tells the story of his revenge against Fortunato nearly fifty years after the live burial. He is proud of his intricate plan to take vengeance. Through imagery, Poe depicts a premeditated murder as planned by a ruthless Montresor. â€Å"Throwing them aside, I soon uncovered a quantity of building stone and mortar† (Poe 7). The prior planning required to execute this intricate plan is evident, as Montresor created the ideal situation t exact his revenge. Womack states, â€Å"By the end of Poe’s story, Montresor has gotten his revenge against unsuspecting Fortunato, whose taste for wine has led him to his own death† (Womack 5). In order to continue, Montresor supplies the weakening Fortunato with alcohol to further lower the senses of the impulsive Fortunato. The lure of Amontillado is too much for the jolly Fortunato, willing to stagger to his death at the promise of a taste of the fine sherry. Montresor attacks the pride of Fortunato when mentioning that Luchresi may be a better connoisseur of wine, in fact leading Fortunato to declare that â€Å"Luchresi cannot tell Amontillado from  Sherry† (Poe 3). This moment shows not only the pride imperative to Montresor’s plan for vengeance, but also the dignity that connoisseurs of wine such as Montresor and Fortunato possess. This pride is magnified in Montresor more so than Fortunato, as shown by the narrator’s opening line, â€Å"The thousand injuries of Fortunato I had borne as I best could, but when he ventured upon insult I vowed revenge† (Poe 1). The insult of Montresor is the death sentence for Fortunato, though the nature of the insult nor the consequence upon Montresor’s dignity is described. Montresor’s pride is the nature of his family as the motto upon the family crest, â€Å"Nemo me impune lacessit† (Poe 5). Simply, Poe shows that Montresor’s ancestry contains the same pride by creating a motto saying â€Å"No one assails me with impunity† (Poe 5). Poe further challenges the reliability and character of the narrator, and in fact â€Å"Poe does not intend for the reader to sympathize with Montresor because he has been wronged by Fortunato, but rather to judge him† (Womack 4). The narrator evolves throughout the story as his insanity grows, and doubt is created in the reader as to the reliability of Montresor. As the end of his deed draws near, the agonized howls of Fortunato are heard when the certainty of doom finally emerges upon the captive. The story continues, â€Å"I replied to the yells of him who clamored. I re-echoed, I aided, I surpassed them in volume and in strength. I did this, and the clamourer grew still† (Poe 8). The insane narrator is a characteristic of Poe’s American Gothic Literature tradition, a characteristic that continues in the Cask of Amontillado with Montresor, who recounts the story nearly 50 years after the murder of Fortunato. Womack expounds upon Poe’s fascination with the mad chronicler, saying, â€Å"Once again, the reader is invited to delve into the inner workings of a sinister mind† (Womack 4). Poe’s â€Å"Cask of Amontillado† is characterized as American Gothic Literature by th e story-telling of a vengeful narrator as well as the dark setting that is described. Lastly, in Edgar Allan Poe’s â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado,† dark setting is portrayed through the use of a medieval carnival to adhere to the American Gothic Literature tradition. To begin this short story, the cheerful setting of a medieval carnival is described â€Å"they walked amidst the drunken and mirth.† (Poe 1). The carnival is a profound, ironic representation of Poe’s twisted plots in which he conveys fear to his audience. Poe strays from a prototypical melancholy setting associated with  the American Gothic Literature tradition. â€Å"You would never expect a tale of sick revenge to take place at the same time as a merry making carnival† (Palmer 3). Another setting representative of evil is portrayed in Poe’s work through the isolation of the catacombs. â€Å"We passed through a range of low arches, descended, passed on, and descended, arrived at a deep crypt in which the foulness of the air caused our flame beat torches to grow the flame† (Poe 3). Poe’s use of imagery when describing the catacombs fashions a scene of isolation and despair common among short stories classified as American Gothic Literature . The use of a deep underground tomb is used to portray sinister setting and the chaos of impending death. â€Å"I busied myself among the pile of bones†¦. a succession of loud and shrill screams busted suddenly from the throat of the chained form† (Poe 6). The moment described in the quote is Fortunato’s realization that he will die as the egress to his tomb is gradually sealed. â€Å"Poe’s work in a sense puts the reader in the shoes of the victim in the tomb. As they experience fear, panic and rage in their final moments of struggle† (Moore 2). Poe’s use of setting in â€Å"The Cask of Amontialldo† is archetypal to the American Gothic Literature tradition, using the setting to further create a sense of mystique and unease. To conclude, Edgar Allan Poe is purely a master of The American Gothic Literature Tradition. He utilizes the prototypical elements of symbolism, a vengeful character, and an eerie setting to adhere to the specific protocol of The AGLT (American Gothic Literature Tradition). Poe’s exploitation of symbolism conveys underlying messages about the short story’s plot and characters. Poe’s dominance over the concept of having an unstable and vengeful protagonist entices the reader to read on. Finally, Poe’s use of a carnival as a setting is a sick twist, a place where one expects merriment is substituted with a place where revenge is taken. It is safe to presume that Poe’s life of disappointment, resilience, darkness, and mystery shaped him into an individual that properly utilizes all of the elements of The American Gothic Literature Tradition. Works Cited Lorcher, Trent. Symbolism and Irony in â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado. 17 January 2012. September 2013 . Poe, Edgar Allan. The Cask of Amontillado. 1846. September 2013 . Russ, R.J. Symbolism in Edgar Allen Poe’s The Cask of Amontillado. 28 April 2008. September 2013 . Womack, Martha. â€Å"Edgar Allan Poe’s â€Å"The Cask of Amontillado†Ã¢â‚¬  The Poe Decoder. 1997, September 2013 < http://www.poedecoder.com/essays/cask/>. Poe, Edgar A. Short Stories: The Cask of Amontillado by Edgar Allan Poe

Essay about Why Should We Study The Holocaust - 699 Words

We study the holocaust for many reasons. One, is to know the horribleness that is us as humans, from the blacks in america, in the the 1935 War study, the races discriminated in the Nuremburg Race Laws, and the japenese back home. Also, another reason is to know that lives were treated so low, that it was okay, to some in the Nuremburg race trials, that it was alright in their eyes, to kill 11 million people. To me though, I believe we study the Holoucaust to learn of Hitlers mind, to never forget the stories of struggle, to think of the people involved in stopping the war. To look at how countries were affected by the war. To know the awfuless that happened to those in the camps, and to make sure a horrible thing like the Holocaust never†¦show more content†¦Its enough to make you sick. I also think about those involved in the war itself. Like the Tuskegee airmen, horribly and extremly prejudised agianst, and yet previaled like an american flag in the harsh wind. People had told them that they were unequip to handle combat, and were plain old stupid. Despite this the Tuskgee Airmen did amazingly, not failing many missions, and not losing as many men as other platoons. In the eyes of american people, today and now, the Tuskgee Airmen are heros, and did not deserve of the cruel prediction they were given. Also think of the people who had to drop the atomic bombs on Japan, the thought s that must have run through their heads, as they new the people below were mainly civilians. They knew what was right for their countriees and also knew what was right in their morale. Another reason we study the holacaust is to remember the cruelty that went on inside of the camps. I almost wish people could have documented the thhings that went one within the camps that they belonged to. Although, I believe if we could see those things, the sick, awful things that went one in the concentration camps, we would not believe what cruelties could be done to human beings. It disgusts me to my core, all of the things that happened in the camps. First you were stripped of your identity, shaven head, given away items ofShow MoreRelatedAdolf Hitler and The Holocaust: Why Do We Study the Holocaust?708 Words   |  3 PagesThe Holocaust was a tragic piece of the worlds history. It happened from 1933 to 1945, and it was a mass killing and discrimination against people of certain races. They started with the Nuremberg Laws when Hitler became the most powerful. Hitler was a strange man who blamed Jews for the fall of Germany. There are several reasons as to why we study the H olocaust, the most important is so we never face something like this again. 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The Blind Men And The Elephant - 1016 Words

The Blind Men and the Elephant explain the story of six blind men who each have a different viewpoint on an elephant’s physical appearance. At first, each of the six blind men explain their reasoning in a self-assured way without concurring towards one another’s theory. Although their perspectives are distinct, their ideas are not entirely wrong. I believe this story tells us that within our society, our world is surrounded by cultural differences and languages we may not either understand or agree upon. However, it doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t listen to their ideas. Furthermore, this story exemplifies how we act throughout our daily lives. People are the most boastful when ignorance is present; when we don’t have all of the information. The six men lacked the sense of sight and yet they each had somewhat knowledge about an elephant. Sociological imagination is the process of gaining information through the perspective of others and incorporating those thoughts. Moreover, this concept allowed them to imagine their own theory about what an elephant looks like. The villager’s tales granted them the opportunity to see more out than what they thought they could with their own eyes. â€Å"Information often dominates their attention and overwhelms their capacities to assimilate it. It is not only the skills of reason that they need although their struggles to acquire these often exhaust their limited moral energy.†(Mills, 1959). In this part of Mills excerpt, he identifies with theShow MoreRelatedSummary Of Six Blind Men And The Elephant1932 Words   |  8 PagesQuestion 1: â€Å"Six Blind Men and the E lephant† Parable. The parable of the six blind men and the elephant can be likened to an organization where each person perceives his or her role in a different way. Individual perceptions are useful as long as there is one aligning goal or mission statement that each person can derive meaning and purpose. The trait approach in Chapter Two suggests that people are born with qualities that make them a leader or a follower. In the story of the six blind men, each of theseRead MoreAnalysis Of Elephant In The Village Of The Blind772 Words   |  4 Pages‘comparison, illustration, analogy’. The two thousand years old Buddhist story â€Å"The Elephant in the Village of the Blind’ portraying simple story, demonstrating universal moral, and using symbols and analogy is the evident representative of the parable. To start with, the narrative in â€Å"The Elephant in the Village of the Blind† is very simple; the main character is an elephant which is being examined by the blind people of the village. The story has little descriptions, adjectives, or embellishmentsRead More Absolute Essay1017 Words   |  5 Pages An elephant was brought to a group of blind men who had never encountered such an animal before. One felt a leg and reported that an elephant is a great living pillar. Another felt the trunk and reported that an elephant is a great snake. Another felt a tusk and reported that an elephant is like a sharp ploughshare. And so on. And then they all quarreled together, each claiming that his own account was the truth and therefore all the others false (traditional parable). None of the accounts thatRead MoreEssay Harper1467 Words   |  6 Pagesshows a solution or choice to the problem. In Leon Weiseltier’s â€Å"The Democratic thinker† he shows the obligation that people have. â€Å"The Blind Men and the Elephant† shows conflict between knowledge and understanding. â€Å"The Three Questions† by Leo Tolstoy also shows conflict between knowledge and understanding but in a different way than the blind men and the elephant does. â€Å"Education as Maturity† by H.A Overstreet shows the process. Finally Wag the Dog by Barry Levinson shows the dangers of criticalRead MoreMy First Co Curricular Event At Westminster College901 Words   |  4 Pagesreadings, but other things I encounter with an open mind. An example of text can relate to this idea. One of which is the in the Blind Man and the Elephant and that the men began to argue what they perceived the elephant to be (Parable of the Blind Man and th e Elephant pg.24). They were arguing what the elephant was because they couldn’t change their mind or look at the elephant from a different point of view. If I get anything out of inquiry, I want it to be that I can think more openly and be able toRead MoreThe Challenge Of Religious Diversity1379 Words   |  6 PagesDiversity in The Twentieth Century There are four blind men who discover an elephant. Since the men have never encountered an elephant, they analyze, seeking to understand and describe this new anomaly. One man grasps at the trunk and concludes it is a snake. Another one examines the elephant s tail and announces that it’s a rope. A third finds one of the elephant s legs and describes it as a tree. And the fourth blind man, after exploring the elephant s side, concludes that it is, after all, a wallRead MoreCognitive Science : The Scientific Study Of The Mind1193 Words   |  5 Pagesis the story of five blind men who staggers upon an elephant. One man feels the tusk and thinks he is a huge carrot. A second man feels the ears and thinks the object is a big fan (Friedenberg and Silverman, 2012). The third feels the trunk and declares it is a pestle. The fourth touches the leg and believes it is a mortar (Friedenberg and Silverman, 2012). The fifth touches the tail and believes it is a rope. All five men are wro ng each has examined one aspect of the elephant if they had conferredRead MoreThe Destructive Power of Peer Pressure Essay1408 Words   |  6 Pages Peer pressure and acts of mass blind obedience are all too common occurrences in our everyday society. A person, who under any other circumstances would never act in such a way, will commit unthinkable acts when backed by a single person or even worse, a large mass of individuals. It’s almost always destructive, and the person or persons involved usually always end up feeling regretful and bewildered by their actions. When thinking about group peer pressure, there are several otherRead More Comparing Male and Female Relationships in Cat in The Rain and Hills Like White Elephants by Hemingway1039 Words   |  5 PagesComparing Male and Female Relationships in Cat in The Rain and Hills Like White Elephants by Hemingway This relationship is examined closely in two short stories. The stories, Cat in The Rain, and Hills Like White Elephants, both show a man and a woman in what seems to be a quiet and passive moment. However in both stories, Hemingway carefully uses imagery and subtlety to convey to the reader that the relationship in the story is flawed, and is quite clearly dysfunctional. Both male charactersRead MoreReligious Exclusivity And Religious Moralism988 Words   |  4 Pagessupport religious pluralism, to the point of even being agreeable with John Hicks hypothesis, he maintains an exclusivist viewpoint regarding Buddhism. According to John Hick’s hypothesis, the convergence of the religions presented in all societies by men of different faith of common grounds may lead to rendering any faith obsolete (Hicks, 639). John Hick’s however, does not believe that all the religions will worship in the same manner or agree with each other’s sets of belief but rather that a prevalent